Do We Have a Structural Unemployment Problem?

That was the question that economists Peter Diamond, Dean Baker and Kevin Hassett debated yesterday afternoon in a panel discussion at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Moderated by AEI’s Michael Strain, the panel did not disagree on much, particularly its emphasis on the need for government programs to help the long-term unemployed.

Nobel Prize winning economist Peter Diamond, now professor emeritus at MIT, kicked off the debate by arguing against the oft-repeated claim that the current unemployment problem is not just cyclical, but is structural as well. He focused on the Beveridge Curve, which graphs the unemployment rate compared to the job vacancy rate. It’s shown below:Beveridge Curve

When the unemployment rate is high, the vacancy is rate is low as that generally coincides with recessions when employers aren’t hiring. As you can see from the graph above, the concern amongst economists is that there are now more job vacancies for higher levels of unemployment in the past few years compared with the recent decade. However, Diamond was dismissive of this, nothing that over the long-term, the Beveridge Curve fluctuates dramatically and often crosses back above itself after recessions.

“This is not a tight, technical relationship,” he said. “This is a curve that moves all over the place, in part for reasons we could identify, in part not.

“The path back being above it has happened a number of times before and sometimes after that you stay above,” he added. “Sometimes after that when you get back toward full employment, you’re back to the old curve or even below it. So the issue of thinking about how to interpret the path we’re seeing is something that really calls for digging underneath these aggregates.”

Diamond emphasized that a couple other economic points indicate that this is a cyclical unemployment problem. In particular, the lack of wage growth in any major industry is very surprising if the structural unemployment theory is true. If there was a structural unemployment problem, firms would be unable to find workers with the adequate skills and would have to increase wages to fight for the scarce talent. But that hasn’t been the case, Diamond said. Wages have been stagnant.

He also examined the construction industry in particular to see if the change in long-term unemployed construction workers’ employment has been any different than changes for long-term unemployed workers in other industries. When he looked at the data, he found few differences. This rebukes the idea that long-term unemployed construction workers have been unable to reenter the labor force due to a mismatch in skills.

Dean Baker, the Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, added an additional layer to Diamond’s argument, noting that the Beveridge Curve has shifted upwards only for the long-term unemployed, not for the short-term unemployed. This is evidence that there was not a structural employment problem for the long-term unemployed when they were part of the short-term unemployed. The issue began when they became part of the long-term unemployed.

The final panelist, AEI’s Kevin Hassett, focused almost entirely on the problems of those workers.

“When you create a stock of folks who have been unemployed for a long time, then it makes it uniquely difficult to reattach them to the labor market,” he said. “There’s been insufficient attention to the emergency of the long-term unemployed.”

Hassett joked that he’d received a surprising amount of praise from liberal organizations recently for his promotion of government jobs programs to help those workers. Yet, even Hassett in conjunction with liberal economists has been unable to convince policymakers to implement such a program. This, he noted, is devastating to those workers, who see significant negative effects on health and wages due to their long-term unemployment. For those reasons, this is a problem that Congress cannot kick down the road.

The longer we wait to confront this pressing issue, the worse it will become. Unfortunately, the lack of interest from Congress may mean it will get much worse.

Republicans Won’t Accept an Infrastructure Bank Financed by Debt

Business Insider’s Josh Barro has a nice piece this morning listing five ways that President Obama could improve the economy. I agree with him that Obama should nominate Janet Yellen to head the Fed, allow more homeowners to refinance and prioritize standing up to Republicans on the debt ceiling/budget debate over appointing Larry Summers to the Fed. I disagree with Barro on approving the Keystone pipeline, but that’s for environmental, not economic, reasons.  On his third point though, I don’t see what Obama can do:

Propose an infrastructure plan that isn’t designed to draw Republican opposition. Democrats keep attaching tax-increasepoison pills to their infrastructure plans and then acting surprised when Republicans won’t support them. In today’s low-interest rate environment, infrastructure spending should be financed with debt, not taxes. Obama should try again for an infrastructure bill without any revenue offset. As a sweetener, he should offer to repeal the Davis-Bacon Act, which forces contractors on federally-funded infrastructure projects to pay inflated wages. Davis-Bacon repeal would make infrastructure spending more cost-effective and more appealing to the Republican-held House.

Here’s the thing though: an infrastructure bank funded by debt would be unlikely to pass Congress. In the Senate, it would be welcomed by most Democrats and could pick off enough cement-loving Republicans to garner 60 votes. Maybe. In the House, it would be a major uphill battle. The majority of House Democrats would likely support it, but the majority of House Republicans, who are more concerned about cutting spending than rebuilding our infrastructure, would not. That would put Speaker Boehner yet again in the position of deciding whether to break the Hastert Rule again. If he is so wary to do so over something as big as the debt ceiling, what makes us think he would do so over an infrastructure project?

Thus, I don’t see any way that an infrastructure bank financed by debt gets to the President’s desk. And the President knows this. That’s why all of his infrastructure plans have been funded through tax increases. Barro is right that the best policy would be to finance those projects via debt (and I like his Davis-Bacon repeal sweetener). But the GOP won’t allow it so Obama has turned to Plan B.

The Open Internet Goes to Court

This afternoon the New America Foundation held a panel discussing the upcoming court case that pits Verizon against the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). The case began back in 2010 and has moved slowly, but oral arguments are finally scheduled to begin on Monday. Verizon is challenging the FCC’s “Open Internet Order,” particularly the non-discrimination rules that are in it. Those rules prevent internet service providers (ISPs) from blocking access to content or applications, unless they were unlawful. In laymen’s terms, Verizon and Comcast are both ISPs that compete with one another and both have incentives to prevent consumers from accessing their competitors products and related applications. The non-discrimination rules ensure that they cannot do that or restrict access to any other domain of the web.

Verizon is challenging the FCC’s authority to implement those rules, arguing that the commission is infringing on the company’s freedom of speech. Effectively, Verizon is saying that it’s ability to block applications and content is speech and is protected by the First Amendment. Not surprisingly, the FCC disagrees with Verizon’s claims, saying that the telecom network is just a carrier of speech.

The panel was moderated by Sarah Morris, the Senior Policy Counsel for the Open Technology Council at New America. After a brief introduction, Susan Crawford, the Former Special Assistant for Science Technology and Innovation Policy to President Obama and a professor at Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, lit into Verizon’s claim, calling it an “astonishing and laughable argument.”

“The D.C. Circuit must firmly squash Verizon’s First Amendment claim that any oversight of its high-speed internet access service would be unconstitutional,” she said. “The D.C. Circuit must stop this argument in its tracks. Verizon says that in its capacity – when it’s wearing that hat as a high-speed internet provider – it is the same as the Washington Post and that any effort by government to constrain its ability to slice and dice and prioritize and make deals with content providers about that high-speed internet access should be found unconstitutional under the First Amendment.

“Verizon’s goal here is to make this sound like a serious, legitimate, constitutional argument,” she continued. “If they get there, that’s a win. If it sounds serious, that’s a win for them.”

Matt Wood, the Policy Director for Free Press, elaborated on his organization’s goal of net neutrality, meaning that ISPs treat all information on the internet equally (aka they can’t discriminate).

“Net neutrality isn’t some sort of content regulation,” he said. “It isn’t regulating the internet even though people will try that tired line on you even today. What it is is a simple statement that the person you pay to ship something can’t mess with the contents they’re carrying for you. Contrary to Verizon’s claim, ISPs can’t edit the internet. They can’t edit your email messages. They can’t tell you which websites you can go to and which ones you can’t go to.”

All the panelists supported the FCC in the case and agreed with Crawford and Wood’s position that Verizon’s claim was unsubstantiated.

A former legal advisor to FCC Chairwoman Mignon Clyburn, Angie Kronenberg, adamantly supported her old employer’s rule, emphasizing that the rule was made years ago now and it was time for Verizon to move on.

“This is not a First Amendment right that Verizon has,” she said. “The commission must address larger issues.

“We need to be having a different discussion. It’s time.”

However, no one made the argument as clearly as Crawford did, comparing Verizon’s role as a communications transport network to that of a sidewalk.

“The sidewalk is different from the conversation,” she said. “Right now we’re worried about the sidewalks unconstrained power to rise up and make more money by picking and choosing the particular conversations of which it approves.

“Indeed, the First Amendment and its protection of dissent and freedom of the press is demeaned by Verizon’s argument in this case.”

With oral arguments starting Monday, we’ll soon find out if the D.C. Circuit agrees.