The Age Old Question of Technology and Job Loss

The Information Technology and Innovation Foundation hosted a debate this morning on whether technological advancement has led to persistent job losses in the economy. The Foundation’s President, Robert Atkinson, faced off against Andrew McAfee, the author of a recent book on the topic and a researcher at MIT’s Sloan School of Management.

McAfee began the debate by running through a number of economic trends that could be linked to technological change. He explained that over the past 30 years, only college graduates have seen growth in wages, while everyone has seen their wages stagnate. At the same time, corporate profits have skyrocketed while labor’s share of income is at all time lows. The top 0.1%’s share of income has increased substantially over the past half-century as well.

These trends, McAfee argued, demonstrate the decoupling of productivity from wage and job growth. In particularly the disruptive advancements in information and technology, most notably with the advent of the personal computer, is a major driver of this decoupling. As productivity has continued to grow, wages have stagnated and the rate of job growth has decreased.

Atkinson pushed back on a number of these points.

“There is zero relationship logically between job growth and productivity,” he said. McAfee presented a correlation between those economic indicators, but had not proven causation. Atkinson joked that it was as if saying that job growth was strong during the 1990s when the New York Yankees consistently won the World Series, but fell off afterwards when the Yankees were no longer winning. But no one would argue that the Yankees recent struggles are the cause of poor job growth. It’s just a coincidence.

Atkinson noted that many people believe technological growth is to blame for poor job growth, because it is an appealing explanation. But these theories only look at first-order effects.

“The reason why we see productivity leading to more jobs is second-order effects,” he said. These second-order effects include such things as new industries that pop up from technological growth or the lower prices that consumers see around the economy, leading to more consumption and stronger job growth in other sectors.

This debate comes up every time job growth falls off, Atkinson said, with each generation thinking that its technological advancement is a new phenomenon wreaking havoc on the labor market.

“We always think our own era of technological progress is the best,” he said. “In fact, it is not the best.”

This was a major point of contention between the participants. McAfee argued that we are rapidly heading for a world where robots replace a large portion of the jobs in the American economy, even for such hard-to-automate positions as airline pilots or doctors. Atkinson could not imagine such a world where airline pilots didn’t exist. They will always have to be on airplanes in case something goes wrong, he said.

But even more than this, Atkinson argued, is that looking at specific industries ignores the effect on technology on the entire labor market.

“You can’t look at individual sectors and extrapolate to the whole economy,” he said.

McAfee emphasized that his analysis was not focused on individual industries, but on the labor market as a whole. Atkinson may be unable to imagine a world with robot airplane pilots, but McAfee would not rule anything out.

“The only thing I’ve learned about technological progress after studying it for a while is never say never,” he said.

Do We Have a Structural Unemployment Problem?

That was the question that economists Peter Diamond, Dean Baker and Kevin Hassett debated yesterday afternoon in a panel discussion at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Moderated by AEI’s Michael Strain, the panel did not disagree on much, particularly its emphasis on the need for government programs to help the long-term unemployed.

Nobel Prize winning economist Peter Diamond, now professor emeritus at MIT, kicked off the debate by arguing against the oft-repeated claim that the current unemployment problem is not just cyclical, but is structural as well. He focused on the Beveridge Curve, which graphs the unemployment rate compared to the job vacancy rate. It’s shown below:Beveridge Curve

When the unemployment rate is high, the vacancy is rate is low as that generally coincides with recessions when employers aren’t hiring. As you can see from the graph above, the concern amongst economists is that there are now more job vacancies for higher levels of unemployment in the past few years compared with the recent decade. However, Diamond was dismissive of this, nothing that over the long-term, the Beveridge Curve fluctuates dramatically and often crosses back above itself after recessions.

“This is not a tight, technical relationship,” he said. “This is a curve that moves all over the place, in part for reasons we could identify, in part not.

“The path back being above it has happened a number of times before and sometimes after that you stay above,” he added. “Sometimes after that when you get back toward full employment, you’re back to the old curve or even below it. So the issue of thinking about how to interpret the path we’re seeing is something that really calls for digging underneath these aggregates.”

Diamond emphasized that a couple other economic points indicate that this is a cyclical unemployment problem. In particular, the lack of wage growth in any major industry is very surprising if the structural unemployment theory is true. If there was a structural unemployment problem, firms would be unable to find workers with the adequate skills and would have to increase wages to fight for the scarce talent. But that hasn’t been the case, Diamond said. Wages have been stagnant.

He also examined the construction industry in particular to see if the change in long-term unemployed construction workers’ employment has been any different than changes for long-term unemployed workers in other industries. When he looked at the data, he found few differences. This rebukes the idea that long-term unemployed construction workers have been unable to reenter the labor force due to a mismatch in skills.

Dean Baker, the Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, added an additional layer to Diamond’s argument, noting that the Beveridge Curve has shifted upwards only for the long-term unemployed, not for the short-term unemployed. This is evidence that there was not a structural employment problem for the long-term unemployed when they were part of the short-term unemployed. The issue began when they became part of the long-term unemployed.

The final panelist, AEI’s Kevin Hassett, focused almost entirely on the problems of those workers.

“When you create a stock of folks who have been unemployed for a long time, then it makes it uniquely difficult to reattach them to the labor market,” he said. “There’s been insufficient attention to the emergency of the long-term unemployed.”

Hassett joked that he’d received a surprising amount of praise from liberal organizations recently for his promotion of government jobs programs to help those workers. Yet, even Hassett in conjunction with liberal economists has been unable to convince policymakers to implement such a program. This, he noted, is devastating to those workers, who see significant negative effects on health and wages due to their long-term unemployment. For those reasons, this is a problem that Congress cannot kick down the road.

The longer we wait to confront this pressing issue, the worse it will become. Unfortunately, the lack of interest from Congress may mean it will get much worse.

Republicans Won’t Accept an Infrastructure Bank Financed by Debt

Business Insider’s Josh Barro has a nice piece this morning listing five ways that President Obama could improve the economy. I agree with him that Obama should nominate Janet Yellen to head the Fed, allow more homeowners to refinance and prioritize standing up to Republicans on the debt ceiling/budget debate over appointing Larry Summers to the Fed. I disagree with Barro on approving the Keystone pipeline, but that’s for environmental, not economic, reasons.  On his third point though, I don’t see what Obama can do:

Propose an infrastructure plan that isn’t designed to draw Republican opposition. Democrats keep attaching tax-increasepoison pills to their infrastructure plans and then acting surprised when Republicans won’t support them. In today’s low-interest rate environment, infrastructure spending should be financed with debt, not taxes. Obama should try again for an infrastructure bill without any revenue offset. As a sweetener, he should offer to repeal the Davis-Bacon Act, which forces contractors on federally-funded infrastructure projects to pay inflated wages. Davis-Bacon repeal would make infrastructure spending more cost-effective and more appealing to the Republican-held House.

Here’s the thing though: an infrastructure bank funded by debt would be unlikely to pass Congress. In the Senate, it would be welcomed by most Democrats and could pick off enough cement-loving Republicans to garner 60 votes. Maybe. In the House, it would be a major uphill battle. The majority of House Democrats would likely support it, but the majority of House Republicans, who are more concerned about cutting spending than rebuilding our infrastructure, would not. That would put Speaker Boehner yet again in the position of deciding whether to break the Hastert Rule again. If he is so wary to do so over something as big as the debt ceiling, what makes us think he would do so over an infrastructure project?

Thus, I don’t see any way that an infrastructure bank financed by debt gets to the President’s desk. And the President knows this. That’s why all of his infrastructure plans have been funded through tax increases. Barro is right that the best policy would be to finance those projects via debt (and I like his Davis-Bacon repeal sweetener). But the GOP won’t allow it so Obama has turned to Plan B.