Chart of the Day: Obamacare More Popular

From Steve Benen, Obamacare’s popularity has risen in four different polls released this week:

polls.
I’m pretty confused why this is the case. Is it a backlash against Republicans for the government shutdown and debt ceiling brinksmanship? Maybe it simply reflects falling support for the Republican Party. Maybe from the Medicaid expansion? It’s surprising, given what a disaster the first couple weeks have been for HealthCare.gov. You wouldn’t expect the law’s popularity to be rising. Is this just a post-October 1st bump for Obamacare before the media began covering HealthCare.gov’s many major problems? Will support crater as the public hears more about it? I have no idea, but it’s an interesting and surprising dynamic.

 

Could Obamacare’s Failure Lead to Single Payer?

Ezra Klein and Ross Douthat have both written pieces recently arguing that the failure of the Affordable Care Act could lead towards a more liberal form of universal health care. The idea goes that if HealthCare.gov doesn’t become feasible, people will begin looking at which parts of the law were successful and which weren’t. The Medicaid expansion has thus far been a success in the states that have expanded. Government-run online marketplaces? Not so much. That’s a problem for conservatives, because many of their leading health care plans would require those online marketplaces. If those are deemed a failure, what’s their next proposal? Meanwhile, the liberal fantasy – Medicare for all – is much closer to the Medicaid expansion. The appetite for universal healthcare would still exist and now single payer would be the clear solution. Klein and Douthat both see this as a distinct possibility. Is it?

There are a couple of reasons to be skeptical.

First, if Obamacare fails, it’s going to hurt Democrats badly. Time and time again House and Senate Democrats have thwarted government opposition to Obamacare. They’ve refused to defund or delay the law or the individual mandate. Republicans, of course, have done the opposite. If the exchanges don’t work, Republicans will earn major points with voters. This has been the leading battle for years now. Democratic candidates will have a lot of trouble fighting off attacks that they stuck with a partisan, unpopular law only to watch it collapse under its own weight once enrollment began. Like Klein, I don’t believe many things affect elections. This would.

Second, Klein and Douthat’s argument assume that Americans will be able to distill HealthCare.gov’s failure from the other parts of the law. Will they understand that the Medicaid expansion succeeded while the complex public-private partnership that created the exchanges failed? It’s not clear. Klein is one of the leading proponents that Americans don’t follow politics closely. They don’t know what’s going on in D.C. Obamacare’s failure would be a big story. But would it be big enough for people understand the causes of it? The CBO projects that only seven million people will sign-up on the exchanges next year. They will all undoubtedly see the website’s issues, but the vast majority of people will never try to login to HeathCare.gov. They may hear that Obamacare failed without knowing the causes.

Third, many Americans may see Obamacare’s failure as symbolic of government’s inability to regulate the health care market. Whatever the causes, Americans may conclude that getting government involved in the health insurance industry is a bad idea. They won’t spend much time thinking about why Obamacare failed and simply decide that enough government disruptions in the health care market.

Klein and Douthat’s argument is not impossible. Maybe Americans will be clamoring for single payer if the exchanges fail. But there are also a number of reasons why that won’t be the case. Klein and Douthat give Americans a lot of credit for understanding the root causes of Obamacare’s failure, evaluating the competing conservative and liberal health care ideas and using the Obamacare analysis to guide their decision-making. I believe most Americans will think more simplistically and see Obama’s failed law as nothing more than a failed program epitomizing the government’s inability to regulate the health care market. Let’s hope that the administration can get the exchanges working and we never have to find out.

Here’s Where the Tea Party’s Power Comes From

Sam Stein and Ryan Grimm have a great article at the Huffington Post that gives the behind-the-scenes of the shutdown and debt ceiling fights. It begins with how President Obama and Harry Reid mended their relationship and decided over the summer that they were going to play hardball. Obamacare wouldn’t be touched and they wouldn’t negotiate over a government shutdown or the debt ceiling. The piece then walks through how the negotiations unfolded and Reid and McConnell eventually came to their deal.

But there’s one minor part that exemplifies why the Tea Party has so much power in the Republican Party. Here it is:

The speaker was juggling the demands of multiple factions. His moderate members had been complaining in private that the standoff was crushing them. But they hadn’t bolted, much to the delight of the conservative wing. “At one point,” a senior House GOP aide said of one caucus meeting, “Michele Bachmann stood up and thanked the moderates for standing with us.”

Remember when the moderates were fed up with the Tea Party and ready to revolt? That fizzled very quickly. We’re not talking about the mainstream conservatives here. Instead, it’s Peter King and the 20-30 other House GOPers who could have joined up with House Democrats at any time and brought an end to the shutdown. These are the members that the Tea Party is most worried about, because they can reduce the Tea Party’s power by siding with House Dems.

But this never happened. The moderates refused to betray the Tea Party, despite repeated threats. Why? It’s not entirely clear. Maybe they fear a primary challenge. Maybe they have a deep belief in caucus unity. Whatever the reason, Boehner was rightly more afraid that the Tea Party would break off and declare war on the Republican Party than the moderates would. If the moderates were willing to commit electoral suicide by starting an intra-party civil war, they would have the power to dictate the House strategy to Boehner. Time and time again we’ve seen that’s not the case. The moderates won’t wage war against the establishment. The Tea Party, on the other hand, is more than willing to do so. If they break off from the Republican Party, it will have grave electoral effects on both. Neither would survive. But the Tea Party either isn’t considering the consequences or don’t care about them. The same dynamic exists with moderate Republicans, but they care about the consequences. The Tea Party’s blind recklessness is what gives it its true power.